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Separating average and tail costs in portfolio diversification

The three-stock portfolio: what not diversifying costs
Contents
  1. Summary: the seven findings that matter
  2. Three hundred stocks against three
  3. Who diversifies least
  4. How much it costs, and to whom
  5. The study in which concentrating paid off
  6. The explanation that turns it into a choice
  7. What to do with this in practice
  8. Frequently asked questions
  9. What we do not know
  10. References

Under mean-variance portfolio theory, the optimal level of diversification today exceeds 300 stocks. The average investor holds three or four. That gap represents one of the most thoroughly documented anomalies within finance, with its financial toll already quantified: households exhibiting below-median financial literacy who depend exclusively on personal judgment forfeit roughly 50 basis points annually on average. Yet an unsettling finding merits attention prior to reaching a final verdict: within a specific dataset of brokerage accounts, individuals maintaining concentrated portfolios actually surpassed diversified ones. This piece examines what empirical research has captured.

Summary: the seven findings that matter

Each row identifies the study and its corresponding year. It makes sense to separate the average cost from the tail expenses: nearly all the losses fall on a select few.

Finding Result Study and year
Optimal level against actual level More than 300 stocks against 3 or 4 Statman, Financial Analysts Journal (2004)
Extent of under-diversification The vast majority of the accounts analysed Goetzmann and Kumar, Review of Finance (2008)
Who diversifies least Young, active, low income and non-professional Goetzmann and Kumar (2008)
Expected loss of the worst-placed group 50 basis points a year on average Von Gaudecker, Journal of Finance (2015)
Where that loss concentrates In the upper tail of the loss distribution Von Gaudecker (2015)
The result that complicates the diagnosis The concentrated outperformed the diversified Ivkovich et al., J. Financial Quant. Analysis (2008)
What non-diversifiers are after Positive skewness: the chance of a big win Mitton and Vorkink, Rev. Financial Studies (2007)

What you will find here

• The exact distance between the optimal and the actual, and why an index fund closes it.

  • Who holds the least diversified portfolios, from data on tens of thousands of accounts.
  • How much it costs in returns, and why the average hides what matters.

• The study in which concentrating the portfolio paid off.

• The explanation that turns the mistake into a deliberate choice.

Three hundred stocks against three

Meir Statman framed the problem in Financial Analysts Journal with the precision of someone who does the arithmetic. The current optimal level of diversification, measured by the rules of mean-variance portfolio theory, exceeds 300 stocks, while the average investor holds only three or four.

And he adds the calculation that makes the comparison even less favourable: he estimated the benefit of increasing diversification to the 3,444 stocks of a total market index fund with an annual cost of 0.20 %, and concluded that the total market fund offers a better way to diversify than a portfolio of 300 stocks or fewer.

The author additionally details the factors that exacerbate the issue outside of total asset count: sizable stakes in employer equity within staff plans, portfolio skewness toward specific strategies, and regional partiality.

Why he calls it a puzzle rather than a mistake

Statman’s contribution lies not in highlighting the gap, but rather in elucidating it without appealing to ineptitude. Within the framework of behavioural portfolio theory, individuals construct their portfolios resembling segmented pyramids: the base tiers focus on mitigating downside risk, whereas the superior tiers target upside gains. Aversion to risk yields to risk-seeking behaviour at the apex, since the aspiration to escape destitution is superseded by the ambition for wealth.

And the core takeaway: what drives that conduct is the ambition of investors, rather than their risk appetite. Certain individuals stuff the uppermost tier with a handful of equities from a concentrated portfolio; others choose lottery tickets instead.

Study What it analysed What it found What it does not support
Statman (2004) Optimal against observed level of diversification More than 300 optimal stocks against 3 or 4 actual It is a theoretical calculation plus a behavioural frame
Goetzmann and Kumar (2008) More than 40,000 brokerage accounts, 1991-1996 Widespread under-diversification and a clear profile One discount broker in a bull period
Von Gaudecker (2015) Households by financial literacy and advice 50 basis points of expected loss in one group Household survey data from one country
Ivkovich et al. (2008) Households with concentrated against diversified accounts The concentrated outperformed Does not imply concentrating is a good idea in general
Mitton and Vorkink (2007) 60,000 accounts and the preference for skewness The inefficiency is explained by seeking skewness Explains the choice; does not say it is right

Who diversifies least

William Goetzmann and Alok Kumar examined in Review of Finance the portfolios of more than 40,000 equity investment accounts at a large discount brokerage over six years, from 1991 to 1996.

Their general result: the vast majority of investors in the sample are under-diversified. And the cross-sectional examination gives the profile: young and active investors, and those in low-income and non-professional categories, hold the least diversified portfolios.

In an analysis extended to more than 60,000 accounts, the same authors specify what else accompanies under-diversification: less sophisticated investors, those who follow price trends, those who prefer local or familiar stocks, and those who display overconfidence hold relatively less diversified portfolios. The under-diversified also show strong style and sector preferences, and prefer more volatile, positively skewed stocks.

And they rule out the handiest practical explanations: factors such as small portfolio size, transaction costs and search costs are not likely determinants of diversification decisions. They state the consequence without hedging: the unexpectedly high idiosyncratic risk of investors’ portfolios produces a welfare loss.

How much it costs, and to whom

Hans-Martin von Gaudecker published in Journal of Finance the estimate most useful for a practical conversation, because it crosses diversification with two variables an investor can change: financial literacy and advice.

His main result is reassuring for most: almost all households scoring high on financial literacy, or relying on professionals or private contacts for advice, achieve reasonable investment outcomes.

And the cost for the remaining group: compared with those groups, households with below-median financial literacy who trust their own decision-making capabilities lose an expected 50 basis points on average.

Household profile Investment outcome Implication
High financial literacy Reasonable Literacy works as protection
Relies on professional advice Reasonable Delegating also solves the problem
Relies on private contacts Reasonable Simply not deciding alone is enough
Low literacy and self-reliant −50 basis points on average This is the combination that costs money
Where the difference sits In the upper tail of losses A few households lose a lot, not everyone a little

That final row alters the interpretation the most. Every disparity across the groups originates within the upper tail of the loss distribution. It is not that the less-informed investor consistently drops half a point; rather, a small faction suffers heavy losses and pulls the overall group average down.

The study in which concentrating paid off

Zoran Ivkovich, Clemens Sialm and Scott Weisbenner posed an alternative query in Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis: whether information advantages help explain why some individual investors concentrate their portfolios in a few stocks.

Their result contradicts the simple reading: stock investments made by households that concentrate their brokerage accounts in a few holdings outperform those of households with more diversified accounts, especially among those with large portfolios.

And the pattern of that advantage points to its cause: the excess return of concentrated over diversified portfolios is larger in stocks not in the S&P 500 index and in local stocks, which may reflect concentrated investors successfully exploiting information asymmetries. Moreover, controlling for each household’s average investment ability, their trades and holdings perform better when their portfolio includes fewer holdings.

It warrants careful reading: the research doesn’t claim that focusing represents a sound approach, but rather that individuals who focus occasionally seem to have justification for doing so. The exact same rationale surfaces in home bias: knowledgeable under-diversification exists alongside blind under-diversification, and overall statistics blend them both.

The explanation that turns it into a choice

Todd Mitton and Keith Vorkink developed in Review of Financial Studies a model in which investors have heterogeneous preferences for skewness, which allows some not to diversify in equilibrium. And they tested it against a dataset of 60,000 individual investor accounts.

They find support for three implications. First: the portfolio returns of under-diversified investors are substantially more positively skewed than those of diversified investors.

Second, and this is the decisive factor: the apparent mean-variance inefficiency of under-diversified investors can largely be explained by the fact that they sacrifice mean-variance efficiency in exchange for greater exposure to skewness.

And third, which rules out coincidence: the stocks most frequently chosen by under-diversified investors have substantially higher average skewness — especially idiosyncratic skewness — than those chosen by diversified investors.

Put plainly: someone holding three stocks is not necessarily ignoring diversification; in many cases they are deliberately buying the chance of a big win, and paying for it with efficiency. What the evidence does not say is that the trade works out for them.

What to do with this in practice

Ordered by the strength of the evidence behind each point:

• Use a broad index fund as the floor of the portfolio. The reference calculation concludes that it diversifies better than a portfolio of 300 holdings or fewer.

• If you decide alone and your literacy is limited, get a second opinion. Turning to a professional or to contacts is enough for the outcome to become reasonable.

  • Watch the tail, not the average. The differences between groups stem from the upper part of the loss distribution.
  • Keep the bet out of the portfolio. Should your goal be the thrill of a massive payout, wall it off and avoid mixing it into your investment strategy.

• Do not confuse informed concentration with blind concentration. The favourable result was measured in large portfolios and in local or off-index stocks.

Frequently asked questions

How many stocks do you need to be diversified?

More than almost anyone holds. According to the calculation published in Financial Analysts Journal, the optimal level of diversification measured by the rules of mean-variance theory today exceeds 300 stocks, while the average investor holds only three or four, and a total market index fund with 3,444 holdings and an annual cost of 0.20 % diversifies better than a portfolio of 300 stocks or fewer.

Who holds the worst diversified portfolios?

There is a consistent profile across the two large samples available. In more than 40,000 discount brokerage accounts between 1991 and 1996, young and active investors and those in low-income and non-professional categories held the least diversified portfolios, and the extension to 60,000 accounts adds those who follow price trends, prefer local stocks and display overconfidence.

How much does not diversifying cost?

It relies significantly on the specific profile, rendering the mean quite deceptive. Practically every household possessing advanced financial competence, or those depending on expert guidance or personal networks, secures satisfactory results; meanwhile, families with below-median understanding who rely solely on their own judgment forfeit an anticipated half-percentage point on average, with the entire performance gap across demographics originating from the upper extreme of the negative outcome spectrum.

Is concentrating the portfolio always a mistake?

Absent from every dataset. As reported by a study featured in the Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, household investments that concentrate accounts within a handful of holdings surpass the performance of more diversified portfolios—particularly among larger portfolios—while yielding even greater excess returns on equities beyond the S&P 500 alongside local shares, signaling the strategic exploitation of information asymmetries.

Why do people not diversify if it is good for them?

Because many are buying something else. The model tested against 60,000 accounts shows that the portfolios of the under-diversified are substantially more positively skewed, that their apparent mean-variance inefficiency is largely explained by sacrificing that efficiency for exposure to skewness, and that the stocks they most often choose have much higher idiosyncratic skewness.

What we do not know

  • What share of concentration is informed. There is evidence of an information advantage and of a welfare loss at once, with no quantified split.

• How much it costs in terms of risk taken. The loss figures are expressed in expected return and capture poorly the increased probability of an extreme bad outcome.

• Whether financial literacy solves the aggregate. The analysis of a whole country suggests that raising it among the majority holding few stocks would cut the total loss only modestly.

  • How it has changed with cheap index funds. Most account measurements predate the spread of low-cost indexing.

References

1. Statman, M. The Diversification Puzzle. Financial Analysts Journal, 2004. DOI: 10.2469/faj.v60.n4.2636

2. Goetzmann, W. N. and Kumar, A. Equity Portfolio Diversification. Review of Finance, 2008. DOI: 10.1093/rof/rfn005

3. Von Gaudecker, H.-M. How Does Household Portfolio Diversification Vary with Financial Literacy and Financial Advice?Journal of Finance, 2015. DOI: 10.1111/jofi.12231

4. Ivkovich, Z., Sialm, C. and Weisbenner, S. Portfolio Concentration and the Performance of Individual Investors. Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, 2008. DOI: 10.1017/s0022109000004233

5. Mitton, T. and Vorkink, K. Equilibrium Underdiversification and the Preference for Skewness. Review of Financial Studies, 2007. DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.630821

This material serves purely informational purposes and should not be construed as financial advice or an investment recommendation. The referenced research evaluates distinct samples and timeframes that lack comparability, and none of these analyses makes it possible to determine the proper asset allocation for any specific portfolio.

By Harper Sullivan

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